New Report: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

New Report: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

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New Report: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

PEACHTREE CORNERS, GA—Georgia’s prison population has shrunk in recent years, but a new Manhattan Institute report written by Joshua Crawford, a Public Safety Fellow at the Georgia Center for Opportunity, shows that the decreasing number of inmates hasn’t translated to meaningful savings or improvements in public safety for Georgians.

Instead, the report reveals that corrections spending has risen as Georgia’s prison population has declined. The number of incarcerated Georgians dropped by 11.7% between 2010 and 2023, but corrections spending increased by 23.6% over the same period. The trends in Georgia are consistent with those in almost every other state—incarceration rates are falling while corrections budgets are growing. 

The data confirms that reducing the number of people in prison isn’t the answer to decreasing the state budget in Georgia or elsewhere. 

As Crawford says, “Georgia lawmakers should focus conversations about criminal justice where they belong: on protecting the public and creating a fair and just system that values the lives, liberty, and property of Georgia families. Those are things lawmakers can meaningfully impact immediately, while criminal justice budgets are more complex and fixed.”

At a glance: facts on the prison population and corrections spending in Georgia

  • In 2023, 49,814 people were incarcerated in Georgia.
  • From 2010-2023, Georgia’s prison population decreased by 6,618 people, or 11.7%.
  • From 2010-2023, Georgia’s corrections spending increased by $258,546,766, or 23.6%.
  • In fiscal year 2023, Georgia’s Department of Corrections budget was $1,354,962,683, or 2.2% of the state’s total budget.

A closer look at Georgia’s inmate numbers and corrections spending

The number of people in Georgia’s prisons decreased by 6,618 to 49,814 from 2010-2023, but corrections spending in Georgia increased by $258,546,766 during the same time frame.

Notably, Crawford points out most individuals in Georgia’s prisons are violent and repeat offenders, and the majority have had five or more prior arrests before incarceration. Because these offenders pose higher public safety risks and drive most of the system’s costs, reducing inmates at the margins does little to generate savings. 

Even with the growth in spending, Georgia’s overall Department of Corrections budget in fiscal year 2023 was $1,354,962,683, just 2.2% of the state’s total budget. The vast majority of state dollars went toward other initiatives that help Georgians prosper, including education, public welfare, healthcare, and highways.

Regarding corrections spending, Crawford explained that “because prison budgets are driven by fixed costs like payroll, maintenance, and facilities, modest reductions in the number of inmates don’t free up meaningful savings. Unless states close prisons or dramatically cut staffing, costs remain largely unchanged.”

Reshaping the conversation on criminal justice policy

Long-standing arguments continue about reducing the prison population as a way to decrease Georgia’s overall spending. But the data shows that policymakers need to focus instead on building a more effective criminal justice system that addresses the true costs of crime and helps Georgians flourish.

One crime was committed every 2 minutes and 33 seconds in Georgia in 2024. The effects of this criminal activity are devastating for local communities. Violent crime, in particular, takes a huge toll on property values, employment, economic opportunities, and people’s upward mobility.

Ensuring safety is a core government responsibility, and it’s the first step in creating more prosperous communities throughout Georgia. Public safety is essential to improving economic opportunities, building healthy relationships among neighbors, and enabling Georgians to thrive.

With effective reforms, policymakers can make safety a reality for Georgia’s residents, breaking the interconnected cycles of poverty and crime and transforming communities for generations to come.

About the Georgia Center for Opportunity

The Georgia Center for Opportunity is a nonprofit organization that works to remove barriers to ensure that every person—no matter their race, past mistakes, or the circumstances of their birth—has access to safe communities, a quality education, fulfilling work, and a healthy family life. 

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Georgia Center for Opportunity (GCO) is independent, non-partisan, and solutions-focused. Our team is dedicated to creating opportunities for a quality education, fulfilling work, and a healthy family life for all Georgians. To achieve our mission, we research ways to help remove barriers to opportunity in each of these pathways, promote our solutions to policymakers and the public, and help effective and innovative social enterprises deliver results in their communities.

Send media inquiries to:

Rebecca Primis
Vice President of CommunicationsGeorgia Center for Opportunityrebeccap@foropportunity.org

 

Decarceration’s Disconnect: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

Decarceration’s Disconnect: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

Georgia prison spending has increased, even as prison populations have declined.

Decarceration’s Disconnect: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

Key Points

  • The nation’s prison population has declined in many states, including in Georgia, but a new report shows that prison reforms to decrease the number of inmates haven’t translated into meaningful taxpayer savings.
  • Departments of Corrections budgets are actually increasing throughout the country, but prison costs still account for no more than about 5% of most states’ total budgets.
  • Instead of focusing on state prison budgets and costs per inmate, policymakers need to consider the total cost of crime—both monetary and social—that a community pays and how to reduce it.

Prison reform debates often focus on reducing prison populations to save taxpayers money. But is that actually possible?

In a new report for the Manhattan Institute, Joshua Crawford, a Public Safety Fellow at the Georgia Center for Opportunity (GCO), argues that marginally decreasing prison populations doesn’t yield the taxpayer savings policymakers have long touted. Crawford also shows that continuing to focus mainly on cost savings instead of on other measures to reduce crime and recidivism may lead to unintended fiscal and social consequences for states, including Georgia.

To understand this argument, it’s essential to first understand the landscape of state prison populations and the associated costs of incarcerating an individual.

Understanding prison populations and associated costs

State prison populations decreased by 24% overall between 2010 and 2023, with 43 out of 50 states experiencing a decline. But despite those significant decreases, Departments of Corrections budgets haven’t followed suit. 

In fact, Crawford’s report shows there is little to no relationship between changes in prison populations and changes in corrections spending. 

Departments of Corrections budgets are actually increasing, but corrections costs still account for no more than about 5% of most states’ total budgets. 

Nevertheless, many policymakers and advocates continue to argue that cutting prison populations will save money. So where is the disconnect between the numbers and the messaging? 

Most often, the total cost per inmate per year is calculated by dividing the total costs of the prison system by the number of incarcerated people, but this is a misleading figure. Many of the more costly parts of a Department of Corrections budget (e.g., staff salaries, utility bills) are long-run or fixed costs that don’t vary with marginal changes in a prison’s population. To get a more accurate estimate of possible savings, it’s more important to consider short-run costs, like food and toiletries, which can vary immediately with a change in a prison’s population.

Interpreting the numbers for Georgia prisons

Georgia is one of the 43 states that, on average, saw a decrease in their prison populations between 2010 and 2023. The state experienced an 11.7% decrease in the number of inmates during that time. 

Georgia falls in line with overall national trends year over year. The figure below illustrates the decrease in both Georgia’s and the nation’s number of incarcerated people. The biggest departure was in 2019, when Georgia seemingly had a sharp increase, but that increase was actually minimal at just 2.2%.

And like most states in recent years, Georgia saw a rebound in the number of inmates after the COVID-19 pandemic, when more people were released to help alleviate stress on prison systems.

Georgia's prison population decreased between 2010 and 2023, in line with national trends.

Black Line = National Trend, Blue Line = Georgia Trend

The data for Georgia also reinforces the lack of a relationship between the change in the number of inmates and the change in corrections spending. The table below reveals that even though Georgia’s prison population decreased from 2010 to 2023, corrections spending increased 23.6% during that time.

Georgia's prison population decreased from 2010 to 2023, but prison spending went up during that time.

Data from 2019 further reinforces this absence of a relationship. During that year, Georgia saw a very slight increase of 1,169 people in its prison population, but the state spent $21,430 less on corrections that year compared to 2018.

A better focus for Georgia policymakers

Instead of focusing on state prison budgets and costs per inmate, policymakers need to consider the total cost of crime—both monetary and social—that a community pays and how to reduce it. 

Crime itself costs our nation anywhere from $2.6 trillion to $5.76 trillion each year, with violent crime accounting for 85% of those costs. A single homicide can cost upwards of $9 million in government resources and lost potential earnings of victims. This doesn’t account for the financial burdens it can put on families and communities. 

In addition to the monetary cost of crime, communities pay a significant social price—and none more so than high-crime, impoverished areas. Effective public safety measures are foundational to upward mobility. Without them, these communities will continue to see the loss of businesses, local resources, and community connections that help people flourish.

With this in mind, policymakers and advocates should refocus criminal justice efforts toward reforms proven to reduce crime and recidivism. Improvements on both of these fronts generate cost savings of their own, in addition to saving lives and lowering fear of personal harm.

Best practice criminal justice reforms fall into eight solution categories that could spark meaningful change:

  • Addressing community disrepair
  • Investing in a well-trained police force
  • Building trust by protecting victims
  • Addressing gang violence
  • Addressing the low number of homicide detectives and low clearance rates
  • Ensuring appropriate sentencing
  • Implementing cognitive behavioral therapy for juvenile offenders
  • Evaluating and updating re-entry programs

In Georgia, policymakers and advocates should consider these specific efforts to reduce crime and recidivism:

  • Implementing reforms to help law enforcement close non-fatal shooting cases (e.g., the Firearm Assault Shoot Team in Denver, Colorado)
  • Broadening cognitive behavioral therapy offerings for juvenile offenders, which has shown promising results in juvenile recidivism rates
  • Prioritizing data collection and evaluation to help guide future programs and reforms
  • Helping communities through a holistic approach that includes job training and opportunities, affordable housing, and family programs

In addition to the above policy suggestions, GCO has prepared in-depth reports focusing on reducing crime in two major Georgia cities—Atlanta and Columbus.

As Crawford says of potential criminal justice reforms in Georgia, “lawmakers should focus conversations about criminal justice where they belong: on protecting the public and creating a fair and just system that values the lives, liberty, and property of Georgia families.” In doing so, policymakers can transform entire communities by making them safer for the people who live there.

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Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Georgia news, in the news, current events, Georgia happenings, GA happenings

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Joshua Crawford in The Baltimore Sun
Originally published July 3, 2025

By the mid-1990s, Boston was in a constant state of tumult. While homicides had been high since 1980, the six years from 1989-1995 would prove to be among the city’s deadliest, with 710 murders — 75 more than the preceding six-year period. Racial strife and police abuses riled the city after the 1989 murder of Carol Stuart — a pregnant white woman from the suburbs — whose murder was blamed on a young Black man by her husband, the actual killer.

For the foreseeable future, Boston was to be a place of violence, chaos and disorder. Only, that’s not what happened. Thanks to a team composed of the Boston Police Department, researchers from Harvard University and local religious leaders, an innovative approach called “Operation Ceasefire” dramatically reduced violent crime in the city. Over the next four years, youth homicides decreased in the city by 63%, and Boston has become one of the safest large cities in the country.

Governments and the media hailed that initial decrease as the “Boston Miracle.” Nearly three decades later, similar reductions in Baltimore deserve the same praise — if not more.

Baltimore has struggled with crime, especially drugs and violent crime, in both reality and in the imaginations of the American people for decades. Routinely in the top of the “most violent” or “least safe” city rankings, Baltimore has only had fewer than 200 murders three times since 1970.

In line with national trends, murder totals began increasing in the 1960s and then decreasing in the 1990s through 2014. Then, also in line with national trends, murder rose sharply in 2015 and remained elevated. Baltimore did not have fewer than 300 murders again until 2023, when a mix of best practices produced one of the most impressive declines in deadly violence in the nation’s recent history. Murder declined nearly 22% in 2023, and then another almost 23% in 2024 — erasing all of the post-2014 increases. Through May 1, 2025, homicides were down another 31%, putting Baltimore on pace for its fourth sub-200 murder year since 1970, and the city’s lowest total since the mid-1960s.

What happened?

Read the full article here.

Joshua Crawford is the Director of Criminal Justice Initiatives at the Georgia Center for Opportunity and the author of “Kids and Community Violence: Costs, Consequences, and Solutions” in the edited volume Doing Right by Kids.

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

What the release of California prisoners shows about recidivism rates

Georgia news, in the news, current events, Georgia happenings, GA happenings

What the release of California prisoners shows about recidivism rates

Joshua Crawford on the Conway and Larson Show
Originally aired May 15, 2025

In this radio interview, host Leland Conway and Joshua Crawford discuss the implications of prisoner releases in California. They cover:

 

  • Impact on recidivism rates and whether releases have led to increased reoffending.
  • The broader effects of the releases on community safety.
  • Lessons that can be learned from California’s approach when it comes to crafting effective criminal justice policies.

Listen to the Interview

Kentucky’s latest criminal justice reform improves fairness, accountability, and safety through better data practices

Kentucky’s latest criminal justice reform improves fairness, accountability, and safety through better data practices

Kentucky lawmakers passed HB 136, which updates crime data collection to strengthen the criminal justice system.

Kentucky’s latest criminal justice reform improves fairness, accountability, and safety through better data practices

The Kentucky General Assembly has passed a law (House Bill 136) that improves the data collection and transparency practices of the state’s criminal justice system. 

The bill, crafted with research and expertise from the Georgia Center for Opportunity, addresses the state’s lack of comprehensive data on sentencing, parole, and recidivism. Because of these gaps, policymakers have relied on incomplete data and anecdotal evidence to make serious decisions—ones that are often life-and-death.

The criminal justice system is the primary way government protects families and communities. It’s also the point of intersection between government and citizens when an individual breaks the law and decisions must be made about the future of their liberty and life. 

With such high stakes, nothing should be more important and deserving of respect than the criminal justice system and its ability to make informed, just decisions. That’s where HB 136 comes in.

HB 136 equips lawmakers to assess the criminal justice system based on evidence, not anecdotes

The bill requires the state’s Department of Corrections to provide the Kentucky General Assembly with comprehensive data on sentence lengths, parole outcomes, recidivism rates, and demographic data. 

  • Length of stay for first-time offenders: Data on the number of inmates released, average sentence lengths, time served, and parole release rates must all be made available under the bill.
  • Parolee data and supervision outcomes: This includes demographic information—including race, gender, age, and parental status—plus education levels, gang affiliation, and engagement in rehabilitation programs.
  • Supervision activities: Drug test results, employment outcomes, housing stability, and program compliance would all be made available.
  • Recidivism and criminal history trends: Under the measure, the state government would track repeat offenses to evaluate the effectiveness of parole or probation programs.

With this information, elected leaders can make better decisions, improve transparency and accountability in the system, and direct resources to the most successful rehabilitation and reentry programs. 

These changes would bolster the downward trend in crime that Kentucky is already seeing this year, thanks in part to implementation of other GCO recommendations in the 2024 Safer Kentucky Act. In Louisville alone, homicides are down 30%, non-fatal shootings have dropped by 40%, and carjackings have plummeted by 43%.

HB 136 turns data into a fairer system and safer communities

With these changes in place, Kentucky communities will have the benefits of enhanced public safety, a fairer system, and improved use of taxpayer dollars.

  • Reduced recidivism: Access to detailed data on reoffending rates and parole violations allows Kentucky to invest in programs that truly help individuals reintegrate into society, reducing the likelihood of repeat offenses.
  • Fairer sentencing practices: Analyzing trends in sentencing and parole provides lawmakers with the tools to ensure that policies are applied consistently and equitably—and criminals are appropriately held accountable for their crimes.

     

  • Improved public safety: By identifying practices that reduce recidivism and improve parole outcomes, policymakers can enhance community safety and stability.

     

  • Better allocation of funding: Tracking incarceration and parole data helps Kentucky allocate resources effectively, ensuring that correctional facilities and rehabilitation programs are adequately funded without unnecessary overspending.

     

  • Lower racial and gender disparities: Detailed demographic data illuminates any potential disparities in sentencing or parole practices, enabling targeted reforms to promote equity within the justice system. 

While these data practices are new to Kentucky, they are common in other states. Georgia, Tennessee, Florida, and even California have implemented similar data-driven approaches and seen positive results. Now Kentucky can join these states as a leader in transforming data into insights that empower lawmakers to shape a better criminal justice system. 

Watch GCO’s Testimony on HB 136

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Why Kids Join Gangs—and How to Stop Them

Georgia news, in the news, current events, Georgia happenings, GA happenings

Why Kids Join Gangs—and How to Stop Them

By Joshua Crawford
Originally published on March 21, 2025, in City Journal

In Philadelphia last month, law enforcement announced the indictment of 12 teenagers for a series of violent crimes spanning two years. Calling themselves “The Senders,” the groups were charged with murder, 26 shootings, and multiple carjackings. One of the alleged shooters, now 19, is charged with nine shootings totaling 16 victims. Another was just 14 at the time of his alleged crime—a stark reminder of how gangs can entrench even the youngest members.

These alleged offenders’ ages may be shocking, but young people make up a much larger share of gangs than many realize. Survey data from the 1990s found that around 5 percent of young people were in gangs; the average age of joining a gang was 13. Gang-affiliated youth are far likelier to engage in serious crime than other at-risk youth or children with delinquent but non-gang-affiliated friends.

Governments have launched a wide array of prevention and intervention efforts to steer kids away from gang life. These programs try to dissuade youth from joining gangs or encourage them to leave. But the initiatives have had mixed results, and the ones that do work well often have limited access to at-risk kids.

To address the root problem, policymakers must understand why kids join gangs.

Read the full article here.

Joshua Crawford is the Director of Criminal Justice Initiatives at the Georgia Center for Opportunity and the author of “Kids and Community Violence: Costs, Consequences, and Solutions” in the newly edited volume Doing Right by Kids.