New Report: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

New Report: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

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New Report: Corrections spending rises in Georgia even as prison population declines

PEACHTREE CORNERS, GA—Georgia’s prison population has shrunk in recent years, but a new Manhattan Institute report written by Joshua Crawford, a Public Safety Fellow at the Georgia Center for Opportunity, shows that the decreasing number of inmates hasn’t translated to meaningful savings or improvements in public safety for Georgians.

Instead, the report reveals that corrections spending has risen as Georgia’s prison population has declined. The number of incarcerated Georgians dropped by 11.7% between 2010 and 2023, but corrections spending increased by 23.6% over the same period. The trends in Georgia are consistent with those in almost every other state—incarceration rates are falling while corrections budgets are growing. 

The data confirms that reducing the number of people in prison isn’t the answer to decreasing the state budget in Georgia or elsewhere. 

As Crawford says, “Georgia lawmakers should focus conversations about criminal justice where they belong: on protecting the public and creating a fair and just system that values the lives, liberty, and property of Georgia families. Those are things lawmakers can meaningfully impact immediately, while criminal justice budgets are more complex and fixed.”

At a glance: facts on the prison population and corrections spending in Georgia

  • In 2023, 49,814 people were incarcerated in Georgia.
  • From 2010-2023, Georgia’s prison population decreased by 6,618 people, or 11.7%.
  • From 2010-2023, Georgia’s corrections spending increased by $258,546,766, or 23.6%.
  • In fiscal year 2023, Georgia’s Department of Corrections budget was $1,354,962,683, or 2.2% of the state’s total budget.

A closer look at Georgia’s inmate numbers and corrections spending

The number of people in Georgia’s prisons decreased by 6,618 to 49,814 from 2010-2023, but corrections spending in Georgia increased by $258,546,766 during the same time frame.

Notably, Crawford points out most individuals in Georgia’s prisons are violent and repeat offenders, and the majority have had five or more prior arrests before incarceration. Because these offenders pose higher public safety risks and drive most of the system’s costs, reducing inmates at the margins does little to generate savings. 

Even with the growth in spending, Georgia’s overall Department of Corrections budget in fiscal year 2023 was $1,354,962,683, just 2.2% of the state’s total budget. The vast majority of state dollars went toward other initiatives that help Georgians prosper, including education, public welfare, healthcare, and highways.

Regarding corrections spending, Crawford explained that “because prison budgets are driven by fixed costs like payroll, maintenance, and facilities, modest reductions in the number of inmates don’t free up meaningful savings. Unless states close prisons or dramatically cut staffing, costs remain largely unchanged.”

Reshaping the conversation on criminal justice policy

Long-standing arguments continue about reducing the prison population as a way to decrease Georgia’s overall spending. But the data shows that policymakers need to focus instead on building a more effective criminal justice system that addresses the true costs of crime and helps Georgians flourish.

One crime was committed every 2 minutes and 33 seconds in Georgia in 2024. The effects of this criminal activity are devastating for local communities. Violent crime, in particular, takes a huge toll on property values, employment, economic opportunities, and people’s upward mobility.

Ensuring safety is a core government responsibility, and it’s the first step in creating more prosperous communities throughout Georgia. Public safety is essential to improving economic opportunities, building healthy relationships among neighbors, and enabling Georgians to thrive.

With effective reforms, policymakers can make safety a reality for Georgia’s residents, breaking the interconnected cycles of poverty and crime and transforming communities for generations to come.

About the Georgia Center for Opportunity

The Georgia Center for Opportunity is a nonprofit organization that works to remove barriers to ensure that every person—no matter their race, past mistakes, or the circumstances of their birth—has access to safe communities, a quality education, fulfilling work, and a healthy family life. 

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Georgia Center for Opportunity (GCO) is independent, non-partisan, and solutions-focused. Our team is dedicated to creating opportunities for a quality education, fulfilling work, and a healthy family life for all Georgians. To achieve our mission, we research ways to help remove barriers to opportunity in each of these pathways, promote our solutions to policymakers and the public, and help effective and innovative social enterprises deliver results in their communities.

Send media inquiries to:

Rebecca Primis
Vice President of CommunicationsGeorgia Center for Opportunityrebeccap@foropportunity.org

 

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

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Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Joshua Crawford in The Baltimore Sun
Originally published July 3, 2025

By the mid-1990s, Boston was in a constant state of tumult. While homicides had been high since 1980, the six years from 1989-1995 would prove to be among the city’s deadliest, with 710 murders — 75 more than the preceding six-year period. Racial strife and police abuses riled the city after the 1989 murder of Carol Stuart — a pregnant white woman from the suburbs — whose murder was blamed on a young Black man by her husband, the actual killer.

For the foreseeable future, Boston was to be a place of violence, chaos and disorder. Only, that’s not what happened. Thanks to a team composed of the Boston Police Department, researchers from Harvard University and local religious leaders, an innovative approach called “Operation Ceasefire” dramatically reduced violent crime in the city. Over the next four years, youth homicides decreased in the city by 63%, and Boston has become one of the safest large cities in the country.

Governments and the media hailed that initial decrease as the “Boston Miracle.” Nearly three decades later, similar reductions in Baltimore deserve the same praise — if not more.

Baltimore has struggled with crime, especially drugs and violent crime, in both reality and in the imaginations of the American people for decades. Routinely in the top of the “most violent” or “least safe” city rankings, Baltimore has only had fewer than 200 murders three times since 1970.

In line with national trends, murder totals began increasing in the 1960s and then decreasing in the 1990s through 2014. Then, also in line with national trends, murder rose sharply in 2015 and remained elevated. Baltimore did not have fewer than 300 murders again until 2023, when a mix of best practices produced one of the most impressive declines in deadly violence in the nation’s recent history. Murder declined nearly 22% in 2023, and then another almost 23% in 2024 — erasing all of the post-2014 increases. Through May 1, 2025, homicides were down another 31%, putting Baltimore on pace for its fourth sub-200 murder year since 1970, and the city’s lowest total since the mid-1960s.

What happened?

Read the full article here.

Joshua Crawford is the Director of Criminal Justice Initiatives at the Georgia Center for Opportunity and the author of “Kids and Community Violence: Costs, Consequences, and Solutions” in the edited volume Doing Right by Kids.

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

Welfare stands in the way of the American dream

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Op-Ed: Welfare stands in the way of the American dream

Randy Hicks in the Washington Examiner
Originally published July 3, 2025

As we celebrate Independence Day, we’ll be reminded of our inherent right to life, liberty, and one of our country’s most defining ideals: the American dream. Each of us has a picture of what the American dream looks like, but a common theme throughout is the ability to achieve what we want through hard work.

It’s important to remember, however, that there’s more to the American dream than money, promotions, or a nice house.

It’s what those things make possible. The economic markers associated with the American dream — income, upward mobility, homeownership — are not the ends in themselves. They’re tools. A good job and a house in a safe neighborhood matter not just because they are desirable, but because they create the space for something deeper: family, friendships, and community.

As humans, we are wired to connect with family members, friends, coworkers, and neighbors. This Fourth of July, it’s worth noting that meaningful relationships and a strong sense of community are as much a part of the American dream as any economic measure.

Unfortunately, our belief in that dream is dwindling. Just 53% of Americans think the American dream is still possible.

Clearly, something is amiss, and it’s more than the rising cost of owning a home. Our sense of community, once a defining feature of America, is also slipping away.

Despite being more technologically connected than ever, there is an epidemic of loneliness in the United States. Deaths from suicide, alcohol-related illness, or drug overdoses — “deaths of despair” — have more than doubled since the 1990s.

Meanwhile, very few Americans attend religious services, and a growing number of men have no close friends. Participation in traditional civic groups and community organizations continues to fall. Family formation is also on the decline. Americans aren’t getting married and aren’t having kids.

There are many reasons behind these cultural shifts. But what’s rarely discussed is how systemic obstacles are driving some of these troubling trends.

There are federal and state policies in place that make it harder to achieve what the American dream is all about: the freedom to shape your own future, build a family, and contribute to your community.

America’s safety net system, in particular, prevents people and families, especially from poorer backgrounds, from achieving the American dream.

Congress is thankfully considering reforms to this system for the first time in decades, including adding work requirements to Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. It’s promising that we’re finally discussing the importance of connecting work to welfare. But work requirements will do little to fix the larger structural problems with the safety net system.

If lawmakers dug deeper, they’d find baked into these programs a phenomenon where beneficiaries are often discouraged from getting a job or a raise. They’d notice that our tax code penalizes welfare recipients for getting married and forming a family. And they’d discover that even if we implement work requirements, welfare agencies are not set up to help recipients find jobs. Welfare and workforce programs oddly operate in silos, making it difficult for people to access the support they need to secure employment.

These are policy failures that push people in the opposite direction of the American dream, into a life of dependency instead of self-determination —a life that makes it difficult not only to get ahead but to build meaningful relationships and a sense of purpose.

If the U.S. is going to continue to thrive, we need institutions and policies that don’t stand in the way of achieving the full extent of the American dream. That means a safety net that no longer discourages work, penalizes marriage, or traps people in a cycle of dependency.

Randy Hicks is the president and chief executive officer of the Georgia Center for Opportunity and founding member of the Alliance for Opportunity.

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

A better way to get welfare recipients back into the labor force

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A better way to get welfare recipients back into the labor force

Randy Hicks in City Journal
Originally published July 1, 2025

House Republicans’ proposed Medicaid reforms have reignited a national conversation about work requirements. The GOP is right to argue that work is part of a good life, and that some program recipients should be required to hold a job.

But work requirements are only a first step. If the One Big Beautiful Bill becomes law, states will quickly discover that their administrative systems are ill-equipped to move recipients from welfare to work. To succeed, states should adopt a more integrated approach—one that provides access to both benefits and job training in a single location. The model for such an approach is Utah’s “One Door” strategy.

Today, nearly one in three Americans relies on some form of government assistance. But instead of helping vulnerable Americans get back on their feet, the safety net often keeps recipients mired in poverty, unable to break out of dependency and into self-reliance.

To understand why, consider the origins of America’s social welfare system. The modern safety net began in 1935 with the Social Security Act, followed by Medicaid, Medicare, food stamps, and cash welfare. Today, the government runs more than 80 assistance programs.

But these programs weren’t designed to operate together. In fact, calling them a “system” is misleading—there’s nothing systematic about them. Policymakers created the programs at different times, in response to different problems. Though the dollars start in Washington, they’re administered unevenly by the states. The result is a patchwork of siloed programs with overlapping goals, duplicative rules, disincentives to work, and little coordination of data or caseloads.

This complex maze dehumanizes millions of Americans in need. It forces low-income individuals to navigate countless forms, offices, and eligibility rules just to receive assistance. Few programs offer a clear path back into the workforce.

Yet work is essential to escaping poverty. Unemployment is a major driver of long-term dependency—and a key reason many people turn to welfare in the first place. Unfortunately, in nearly every state, the federally funded workforce training system operates entirely separate from the safety net.

Read the full article here.

Randy Hicks is the president and chief executive officer of the Georgia Center for Opportunity and cofounder of the Alliance for Opportunity.

Are we witnessing a Baltimore Miracle in the fight against crime?

What the release of California prisoners shows about recidivism rates

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What the release of California prisoners shows about recidivism rates

Joshua Crawford on the Conway and Larson Show
Originally aired May 15, 2025

In this radio interview, host Leland Conway and Joshua Crawford discuss the implications of prisoner releases in California. They cover:

 

  • Impact on recidivism rates and whether releases have led to increased reoffending.
  • The broader effects of the releases on community safety.
  • Lessons that can be learned from California’s approach when it comes to crafting effective criminal justice policies.

Listen to the Interview